“Conyo Talk”: The Affirmation Of Hybrid Identity And Power In Contemporary Philippine Discource Essay

I. STATEMENT OF PROBLEMThis study is conducted to find out the current status of the conyo chew up in the Philippines. The study specifically answers and defines the following questions1. Origin and score of conyo remonstrate in the Philippines2. How does conyo talk affects the Filipino parliamentary law?3. Is conyo talk a part of our culture or not?4. Why is conyo existence discriminated?5. Why do Filipinos love to mix languages?II. HYPOTHESISNo stated hypothesis in the study.III. RESEARCH METHODThe researcher used historical research method to essay the olden events in order to identify the origin and definition of unfamiliar terms. This method also athletic supportered the researcher to broaden their experiences. It aims to determine the past(a) eents in qualification the research possible.Acoording to Good and Scates (1972), the divisions of sources of historical research be the documents which report of events which be composed of impressions made on some human brain by past events and the remains of relics which are physical objects or written materials of historical value and produced without deliberately aiming to repair information. With these divisions of sources, the researcher were able to know more about the subjects past conditions that can be used for the study.IV. CONCLUSION AND FINDINGSConyo talk is a ethnical identification where its speakers can be described as having a profound ethnical ambivalence. Conyo speakers use it not spontaneously, like in situations of code switching, but intentionally to demarcate their own space. This type of discourse is clearly used as a strategy to give the impression of being privileged companionablely andeconomically. The switching between languages clearly conveys the multiple and complementary identities its speakers construct for themselves. They have created a companionable community taking on the role of stereotype images of Spaniards or Americans that exist in the Philippine popular imag ination adding local color to their everyday discourse. They expire with other conyo speakers directly, without the need of explanations. Discussions on why conyo talk exists have gone beyond face-to-face everyday conversation. Conyo speakers have created an effective space through the help of Internet where anyone from anywhere can join in. And space is fundamental in any form of bureau of communal life (Foucault 2000, p. 361).The Philippine linguistic and pagan phenomenon coo talk (a mix of predominantly Spanish and English with tagalog) is a type of discourse that purportedly identifies and differentiates people of power from the common masses, and arose from the impact of Spanish and American colonization. Due to steady linguistic influences, resulting from contacts with different peoples and cultures, a word or a phrase may take on other meaning among a given group of people, entirely different from its original significance, where a meeting of cultures in the intercultural sphere results in irreversible intra-cultural changes (Mey 2007, p. 171). In the last-place decade, it has become the solution to problems of intercommunication where some Filipinos draw on the languages they know and tailor them for their specific shifting communicative needs.Conyo talk became an emulation of how English and/or Spanish speakers talked to native Filipinos a sentence in English and/or Spanish with some Filipino words. In time, it has become a stance among the spunk caste and the preferred means of communicating with others and establishing potential relationships. In conclusion, this study reflects the contradictory and shifting positions and boundaries of some Filipinos due to lack of confidence in their language fluency, hearty and economic status. The participants of the web discussions analyzed are searching for a comfortable position to show societal identification. On one hand, they want to affirm their function to be different and highlight their individ uality, and on the other hand, they criticize everything that separates them from other individuals or threaten their individuality. Philippines is a hybridized society, and many Filipinos want to preserve the double cultural standard, maintaining the dominance ofEnglish and Spanish as languages of power, but embracing as well their complex identities manifesting openly the hybridity of their identity as Filipino, Hispanic and Anglophone.Conyo talk the certification of hybrid identity and power in contemporary Philippine discourse.The common ground that unites all conyo speakers is their cultural peculiarity and historical memory. In the Philippines, despite being a colony of Spain for more than 300 years (1521-1898), Spanish has remained an exclusive language. It continues to be reserved only for the upper/middle class and university-educated people. Later, when the islands as a nation was transferred to the Americans through the Treaty of Paris in 1898, English spoken by the edu cated, upper/middle class was accorded the same privileged status. Social structures are the determining factors on how speakers behave, their particular ways of speaking, choices of words and rules for conversing. Filipinos who speak fluently Spanish and/or English are deal to be from upper/middle class and are treated with more respect. On the other hand, Philippine languages are considered inferior and the languages of the poor and illiterates. And because of the continuous disregard for Philippine languages and the high delight in held for Spanish and English, some Filipinos who have not come to terms with their perception of themselves as the other created a hybrid language where they persistently identify with their creator colonizers.Consequently, conyo talk has become the response for many Filipinos who, constrained by their background and having been deprived, at one point, of power -economic as well as social , are constantly subjected to the idea of being the other. Conyo talk has become a metaphor of what they have been denied the Spanish language, and an affirmation of their existence and the power that should be theirs and should continually flow to them. Its representation, as Blumenberg (2010) aptly wrote, indicates the fundamental certainties, conjectures, and judgments in relation to which the attitudes and expectations, actions and inactions, longings and disappointments, interests and indifferences, of an epoch (p. 14). Conyo talk has become a social-cultural default for many who want to be perceived as coming from upper-middle class, or simply an individual with power. The advent of Internet and Web discussions has opened new venues for people to discuss matters that affect society without being prejudiced. The opening duds of What is conyo ba?, Why doFilipinos love to mix languages? and Why are conyos discriminated? shed light on the need to comprehend how this discourse came into being, why speakers have chosen to speak it, what it represents to them.Participants alleviate, and even guide the flow of conversations from discussing its possible origins, their position towards its speakers or the discourse itself to expressing themselves in conyo. It is evident, from the examples cited, that its speakers endeavor to conjure up their identity as Filipino, Hispanic and Anglophone. They have created among themselves a type of jargon that is textually mediated where norms and rules are flexible, subject to interlocutors interpretations, and as in many social practices, they facilitate perceived anomalies to pass, in order to make sense of the rules and make the coding categories fit the data (Firth 2009, p. 69).Thus, when two participants wrote in Spanish ?porque hay conyo? para el pene puede lo entre. and exactamente, Una mujer tiene un conyo as que puedo utilizar mi pene ser malo que una mujer tenga, no one seemed to mind the faulty grammar on the contrary, the intention was accurately understood by some and were amused by these remarks. Conyo talks unwritten rules of conduct aremultifunctional and reflexively relate to its context of use. It is like a language game where the interactants position themselves intersubjectively. Thus, when one reads Yu-uck, thats sooo s-q-H2o or OMGeesshh dude shin bro labuyo, only a person familiar with this type of discourse can understand and infer the utterances meanings and allow themselves to be subjected to it. In this case, comprehension is achieved procedurally and contextually in what is said is invariably assessed in a particular, local context, by particular persons, at particular moment (Ibid., p. 71)IV. ANALYSISJust like English and Tagalog, conyo talk is just another way of Filipinos, especially the teens, to express and to communicate. Despite being referred to as the way of the rich kids to talk, conyo talk can be heard well-nigh all around the Philippines, especially, in conversations in almost all of the universities in the Metro Mani la. Students from private schools and universities are more likely to be heard lecture in a conyo way. English and Tagalog words are combined to make a sentence or phrase. Ican say that to talk in a conyo way is part of the Filipino students culture, especially those who are in the higher ups in our society. But looking on the brighter side of it, I spy that this conyo talk shows how intelligent the Filipinos are. It may sound annoying, but only the Filipinos can do that to talk with each other using a combination of two languages. They can position themselves more easily without fear of retaliation or ridicule as well as express solidarity, difference and/or power similar to everyday interactions or the hybridity-of-the-everyday.Participants use a more informal language, colloquial forms and other features that are usually associated with spoken language. In this case, hybridity occurs in the responses to the threads posted in reaction to positioning within the ambiguity of what is a Filipino. Are Filipinos only Asians, Hispanics, or Anglophones, or all of these? At the same time, in their continual accommodations of positions and power differences the idea of otherness may haunt the possibility of identification, for in many multiethnic societies such as the Philippines, discourse is bounded by the essentialism of social status (Tate 2007). Factors independent of specific speakers and circumstances, such as economic forces, power relation as well as factors directly related to speakers social networks and relationships, their attitudes and their self-perception and perception of others, influence their use of one or another language, or both. In virtual interactions, due to anonymity, member participants have more freedom to create identities to reflect their thoughts and belief.V. REFERENCEShttp//siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/linguelinguaggi/article/viewFile/12641/11252 Blumenberg, H. 2010, Paradigms for a Metaphorology, Cornell University Press, U. S. Bhabha, H. 1990, Dissemination, in Bhabha, H. (ed.), Nation and Narration, Routledge, New York, pp. 291-323.Firth, A. 2009, Ethnomethodology, in Dhondt, S., Ostman, J.O. and Verscheren, J. (eds.), The Pragmatics of Interaction, John Benjamins Publishing, Amsterdam, pp. 66-78 Mey, J. 2007, Developing pragmatics interculturally, in Kecskes, I and Horn, L (eds.),Exploration in Pragmatics, mutton de Gruyter, Berlin, pp. 165-189.